The Geopolitical Re-configuration of the Middle East

The Geopolitical Re-configuration of the Middle East

Dr. Sylvia Tiryaki participated in the conference entitled “The geopolitical re-configuration of the Middle East”, organized by the FRIDE and the Fredrich Ebert Stiftung on May 17 in Madrid. Dr. Tiryaki was a speaker in the conference’s second session on the role of Turkey as a regional player.

The event focused on the changing Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region as an opportunity to evolve towards new political, economic, social and geopolitical systems after the “Arab Spring” uprisings.

Documentary film by TA3 – Turkey’s Way to EU

Documentary film by TA3 – Turkey’s Way to EU

The crew of the Slovak TV channel TA3 interviewed Dr. Tiryaki during their visit to Turkey. The outcome of the visit was a short documentary film about Turkey-EU relations screened on TA3 on April 13, 2012. To watch the documentary with parts narrated in Slovak, English and Turkish (with Slovak subtitles), click here.

Dr. Tiryaki on Turkey’s Influence in the Middle East | Marketing Türkiye

Dr. Tiryaki on Turkey’s Influence in the Middle East | Marketing Türkiye

Dr. Tiryaki’s comment on Turkey’s influence in the Middle East was published in the April 2012 issue of Marketing Türkiye magazine. The commentary in its original Turkish version is available below.

“TESEV’in araştırmasına bakarsak bölgedeki 16 ülkede Türkiye’ye olan sempatinin yüzde 78 düzeyinde olduğu görülür. Erdoğan’ın bölgedeki liderliği bir noktaya kadar doğrudur. Fakat daha doğru tanımın; ‘bölgesel liderlik değil, bölgesel olarak etkili bir güç’ olacağı kanaatindeyim. Bu etki bölgenin ötesinde de hissediliyor. Bu ilişkinin Türkiye- Avrupa Birliği ve Türkiye-ABD ilişkilerine de yansıdığını görmekteyiz. Türkiye’nin şu anda Ortadoğu’daki konumunun Kürt meselesi gibi Türkiye’nin iç problemlerinin çözümünde de pozitif katkı sağlayacağını düşünüyorum” (Marketing Türkiye, April 2012, p. 91).

Riskleri ve Fırsatları ile Türkiye’nin Dış Politikası | TÜSİAD Görüş Dergisi

Riskleri ve Fırsatları ile Türkiye’nin Dış Politikası | TÜSİAD Görüş Dergisi

Türkiye 2012 yılına çevresini saran önemli sorunlarla girdi. Arap Baharı metaforu ile özetlenen değişim komşusu Suriye’yi sarmakta, bu zamana kadar uygulanan politikaları değişime zorlamaktaydı. Ayrıca Türkiye de değişmiş, beklide tarihinde ilk kez insan haklarını ve demokrasiyi bu denli savunur hale gelmişti. Böylesi bir savunma ve bölgesel değişim, fırsatlar kadar riskleri de beraberinde getirmekteydi.


Makalenin devamını okumak için buraya tıklayınız (s. 66-74).

M. Tokyay Quotes Dr. Tiryaki about Cyprus Talks in Her Article for SES Türkiye

M. Tokyay Quotes Dr. Tiryaki about Cyprus Talks in Her Article for SES Türkiye

Another “now or never” saga at Cyprus talks

By Menekşe Tokyay | Ses Türkiye
Istanbul, January 26, 2012

A final effort is being made to unite the divided island, but many believe that the stalemate will continue.

With just months remaining before Cyprus is expected to assume the rotating EU presidency this summer, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon made a final effort to bring Turkish Cypriot President Dervish Eroglu and his Greek Cypriot counterpart Dimitris Christofias closer to a solution in a two-day meeting that ended Wednesday (January 25th) at Greentree, near New York City.

Turkey has said that if the Greek Cypriots are allowed to assume the EU presidency in July, without a settlement on the island being reached, Ankara will freeze its relations with the Union.

Following his second meeting with the two communities’ leaders since talks began in 2008, the UN chief told reporters that limited progress was achieved.

Differences between the two sides persist on three core issues: governance, property claims and citizenship issues.

As a next step, the secretary-general intends to call a multilateral conference in late April or early May, with the guarantor powers Turkey, Greece and the UK. But, he underlined that progress must be made before then.

The sides are expected to complete the exchange of data on property issues within the next two weeks, and Ban will then prepare a report for the Security Council on the status of the negotiations.

“The crucial actor in this game is now Ban Ki-moon. If he signals that the Greentree summit is the last chance and if a deadline for the negotiations is not determined, I see no further motivation for the Greek Cypriots to change their position,” Ankara-based International Strategic Research Organisation (USAK) Cyprus expert Mustafa Kutlay told SES Türkiye.

However, Sylvia Tiryaki, the Istanbul-based Global Political Trends Centre’s deputy director, thinks that Ban doesn’t have nearly as much leverage as his predecessor Kofi Annan had back in 2004, when the two communities held a referendum to unite the island, only to have the Greek Cypriots vote against.

“If there were no incentives for the Greek Cypriots to compromise with the Turkish Cypriots on the issues of governance or property prior to their EU membership, it is difficult to see why they would have it now, five months before their EU presidency,” she told SES Türkiye.

Now the UN has been giving signals it will slow down its efforts to bring the two sides together if there is no tangible progress in the upcoming months.

According to Didem Akyel, a Cyprus expert from the International Crisis Group, while these latest rounds of reunification talks remain active, it still seems that they have lost all meaningful traction.

If the island’s two communities can’t reach agreement before July, the best bet may be in 2013 when the Greek Cypriots hold presidential elections.

“A breakthrough could come in the elections, when a candidate ready to accept a more realistic looser federation with Turkish Cypriots could win,” Akyel said.

Further complicating the issue is the discovery of natural gas deposits in the maritime areas controlled by Greek Cypriots in the Eastern Mediterranean.

According to Tiryaki, the Greek Cypriots’ activities in the field of energy and military co-operation – in particular with Turkey’s erstwhile friend Israel — do not reflect a reconciliatory mood and only correspond to a desire for permanent division rather than a common state with the Turkish Cypriots.

“They have announced that the second round of gas exploration licensing, on which they work closely with Israel, would start soon, perhaps not long after Trade, Industry and Commerce Minister Praxoulla Antoniadou’s visit to Israel this month,” she says, noting that co-operation agreement has been signed between the armed forces of France and Cyprus.

For some, however, the gas issue may be a game changer that offers an opportunity to move forward. “It may open the way for co-operation between all the parties, even in the absence of a comprehensive solution to the Cyprus problem,” Akyel said.

Still, nobody ignores that the gas drilling issue also carries the potential for crisis.

“While the Greek Cypriots may see this gas find as a leverage that strengthens their hand, it is not certain that the gas can be exploited without a solution on the island, or failing that, a separate agreement with Turkish Cypriots and Turkey,” Akyel said.


To read the article on the website of the original source click here.

Turkey’s Broken Path to EU Membership | Turkish Review

Turkey’s Broken Path to EU Membership | Turkish Review

Dr. Sylvia Tiryaki wrote an article for Turkish Review’s
October-December 2011 edition with the title of “Turkey’s broken path to
EU membership.” The article argues the following: “As the oil and gas exploration commences off the East Mediterranean island of Cyprus, Turkey’s foundering EU negotiators are again likely to come under the spotlight, despite a lack of interest in the issue.” The article is an examination of the issues faced by Turkey on the road to EU membership, the waning importance of the European bloc in the country’s future and the possible impact of potential hydrocarbon reserves.


 To read the whole article online, please visit the website of its original source here.

Turčija ni obstala! Civilna družba se je prebudila | Dnevnik | Aleš Gaube

Turčija ni obstala! Civilna družba se je prebudila | Dnevnik | Aleš Gaube

“What Turkey and UK have in common is that UK’s membership in the EU was blocked several times on the premises that UK is not a European country,” said Sylvia Tiryaki on November 21, 2011 in her interview for Český rozhlas, a radio station in the Czech Republic.

You can listen to the interview in Czech and Slovak languages here. Below is relevant article from Český rozhlas’ website featuring Dr. Tiryaki’s opinions and insights on UK-Turkey relations and Turkey’s membership in the EU.


Turecko stojí o členství v EU i přes krizi eurozóny

Turecko má stále zájem o členství v Evropské unii, navzdory dluhové krizi eurozóny. V rozhovoru pro britský nedělník Sunday Telegraph to řekl turecký prezident Abdulláh Gül, který zítra oficiálně zahájí státní návštěvu Británie. Turecký prezident je ve Velké Británii poprvé po 23 letech.

“Jsme jako most mezi Asií a Evropou,” řekl turecký prezident a zopakoval to, co Sunday Telegraph označuje za jeho mantru: Turecko, které má 79 milionů obyvatel, je součástí Evropy a mělo by být přijato do Evropské unie.
V budoucnu by se Turecko podle Güla mohlo stát jedním z ekonomických tahounů Unie. A 61letý Gül připomněl, že jeho země je členem Rady Evropy, Evropského soudu pro lidská práva a jedním z nejstarších členů Severoatlantické aliance.

Turecko se také podle Güla podílelo na rozvoji evropské kultury a umění – do unie tedy podle prezidenta přirozeně patří.

Britský nedělník si všímá, že Gül studoval na univerzitách v Exeteru a Londýně. Během své návštěvy bude turecký prezident hostem královny Alžběty II.

Británie turecké úsilí o vstup do Evropské unie podporuje. Jak ve Světě o druhé uvedla spolupracovnice Českého rozhlasu v Turecku Sylvia Tiryaki, obě země mají mnoho společného, mimo jiné společný pohled na řadu aspektů mezinárodních vztahů.

„Společné mají obě země rovněž to, že i Velká Británie byla (před vstupem do Evropské unie) několikrát odmítnuta, možná na základě jiných kritérií než Turecko. Ale v podstatě hlavním argumentem, kterým operovala hlavně Francie, bylo, že Británie není evropská země.“

„A v případě Turecka je hlavním oponentem jeho členství v Evropské unii opět Francie, podporovaná Německem,“ poznamenala Tiryaki.

Pro Ankaru s jejím růstem hrubého domácího produktu není současná Evropská unie podle Tiryaki pravděpodobně až tak přitažlivá z ekonomického hlediska, jako tomu bylo v minulosti. Přitažlivé však pro Turecko a většinu Turků jsou demokratické principy, které v EU stále ještě převládají.

International Human Security Conference

International Human Security Conference

Dr. Tiryaki together with Ambassador Yalim Eralp presented respective dinner speeches at the conference series “International Human Security”, under the auspices of Prof. Dr. Madeleine Atkins, Vice-Chancellor of Coventry University. The event was hosted by Kadir Has University, Akdeniz University and Trakya University in Istanbul on 27-28 October 2011.

The purpose of the conference series is to propose people oriented solutions to problems such as poverty, conflict and disaster and to create a scientific forum in order to discuss these topics in the Turkish academic community. Dr. Tiryaki’s speech is available below.

Good evening.

It goes without saying that I feel privileged to able to address this distinguished audience of the human security experts.

Let me begin by thanking the organizers for inviting me and giving me the great opportunity to be here today with you at the Gala Dinner of this highly relevant and timely conference.
It may be cliché – since all “dinner speakers” do the same – yet I would like to acknowledge that it is an awkward position to be in between you and your dinner.

So, let’s keep it short. Yet this presents us with a tough task: speaking briefly about a topic so wide and diverse as human security.

***

We know that even though human security gains increasing attention nowadays, the concept per se is not new at all.

In fact, Thomas Hobbes based his main argument for his social contract theory exactly on the lack of human security in the state of nature. Reflecting the political and social reality of his own times, he called for a political covenant and institution of sovereignty in order to remove human insecurity caused by a natural inclination of all men to violent conflict. In our modern terminology, he was calling upon a sovereign to ensure freedom from fear.

Hobbes’ famous definition of the state of nature as “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short” has its antidote in a powerful sovereign who secures peace and thus decreases threats to human security. In return, this sovereign requires full obedience from the public, which has no right to resist political authority.

As Hobbes wrote in Leviathan, by giving up one’s right of governing oneself to the sovereign (be it a single man or an assembly), one has no right to complain of injury from his sovereign, as that would be like someone complaining to himself about doing injury to himself, so to speak.

However, by suggesting the total identification with the sovereign, Hobbes failed to account for the protection of the individual from a political tyrant.

That this was indeed Hobbes’ greatest philosophical failure became apparent not only during the late 1980’s and early 90’s that witnessed the collapse of communists regimes in Central and Eastern Europe, but also recently with the Arab Spring events.

The latter one, i.e. the fight for greater civic and political freedoms in the Maghreb and Middle East, opted for rather a Rousseauist definition of the right to resistance, one that does not exclude violence.

That undoubtedly represents a dilemma vis-a-vis human security, too.

Hence, the question is not only whether to increase human security, and who is responsible for that, but also how to do it.

Obviously, the traditional concept of security is no longer enough. Examples like Rwanda or North Korea have shown that ensuring only territorial security of nation-states through military means does not automatically improve human conditions.

Neither can human security be considered from the national borders perspective anymore. One of the by-products of globalization is a new concept or new global understanding of human security with the individual, a human being, as a point of entry.

The new concept requires a truly holistic approach: combining military security, human rights and development. Or, in other words, safeguarded should be:
security, justice and jobs.

The former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan expressed it accurately in his March 2005 report, “In Larger Freedom.” “Development, security, and human rights go hand in hand… We will not enjoy development without security, we will not enjoy security without development, and we will not enjoy either without respect for human rights. Unless all these causes are advanced, none will succeed.”

All aspects of this triangle were in fact already envisaged in two of the four freedoms articulated by US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt in January 1941 in his famous “Four Freedoms” speech, namely freedom from want (corresponding with development) and freedom from fear (security).

Here, let me share a small anecdote with you. I just came from a conference that was organized at Hunter College in Roosevelt House in New York. That is the house where the First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt supposedly worked on the first draft of Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The story goes that while four freedoms (speech, religion, fear and want) were very important for her, and they really entered the Preamble of the Declaration, she paid a special attention to another freedom: the right to privacy.

The reason for that was simple: the beautiful Roosevelt House was a wedding gift from the President’s mother Sara and was intimately attached to her own house. Eleanor reportedly complained of her mother-in-law visiting the President and her day and night long.
 
Be that as it may, a balance must be struck between the freedom from want and freedom from fear. Yet, sometimes it seems difficult for the states to maintain a holistic strategy.

The Freedom House’s “Freedom in the World 2011” annual survey of political rights and civil liberties goes under the title “The Authoritarian Challenge to Democracy,” and it marks an overall decline in freedoms in the past five years.

According to the report “Friend not Foe,” prepared by the Fourth Freedom Forum and the Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies at the University of Notre Dame, the global trend toward using aid and development funds for military purposes has accelerated. It claims that analytical boundaries between security and development are being blurred. It also states that development assistance allocated through the Pentagon has increased in recent years from 3.5 percent in 1998 to approximately 25 percent only ten years later. Aid budgets have increased statistically around the world, but fully two-fifths of the increase since 2002 has gone just to two countries: Iraq and Afghanistan.

The British Department for International Development announced in October 2010 that 35 percent increase in development funding over a four year period but the majority of funds are allocated to Afghanistan and Pakistan.

However, the 2010 report prepared by seven humanitarian agencies in Afghanistan argues that Provincial Reconstruction Teams (military teams established by allied forces in Iraq and Afghanistan to play a direct role in providing humanitarian and development assistance) lack the capacity to manage effective development initiatives.        

So, one might wonder: Are we redirecting priorities?

While acknowledging the undisputable challenge posed by various groups indulging in violent activities, including internationally-recognized terrorist organizations, the question of how to effectively enhance human security still remains.

At the philosophical level it might perhaps be argued that it was John Lock who got to the system of good governance most closely. With his understanding of the existence of property rights even prior to the institution of government he might have, in fact, encompassed it all, including the freedom from want or development.

At the practical level – to borrow the words of Mr. Cortright from the Kroc Institute – any boost of human security must be linked to and be backed by mutual democracy, sustainable development, conflict resolution through third parties facilitation (here increasing the role of civil society is important), international diplomacy, and last but not least women’s empowerment and participation in peace processes.

Let me finish with a final but important note on women’s role in peace building.  Its constructive power can be hardly disputed. Therefore, it makes us optimistic to see that even though it took 1000 nominations to get there, three women peace activists won the Peace Nobel Prize this year.

Thank you for your attention and I wish you successful second half of the conference.

Türkiye sorunları etkisi ve ağırlığı ile çözmeli

Türkiye sorunları etkisi ve ağırlığı ile çözmeli

Bugünden başlayarak Star gazetesi olarak Türkiye’yi ve dünyayı ilgilendiren konular hakkında periyodik toplantılar düzenlemeye, gazetenin sinerjisini akademik dünyanınki ile birleştirerek sorunlara çözüm üretmeye başlıyoruz.

Hedefimiz akademisyenlerin ve Star’ın kadrosunun bilgi ve birikimlerini bir araya getirmek, tartışmalarda ortaya çıkan fikirlerle siyaset yapımcılara kullanabilecekleri bir vizyon sunmak.

Bugünkü konumuz “Arap Baharı” metaforu ile anılan Ortadoğu ve Kuzey Afrika’daki değişimin Türkiye’nin dış politikası açısından ne anlama geldiği ve tabii ki bölge siyasetinin ayrılmaz parçası olan İsrail-Türkiye ilişkilerinin geleceği. Her iki konuda da konuşulacak çok şey, çıkartılacak çok ders var. Biz dün Star gazetesinin yeni binasında sabah 10.00-13.00 arasında gerçekleştirdiğimiz toplantıda bunlardan bazılarını sizler için öne çıkarttık.

Dünkü toplantıda Star gazetesinden ikisi akademik kökenli dört yazar, üç de akademisyen vardı. Toplantıdaki genel uzlaşı Türkiye’nin sorunlarını çözümünde yumuşak gücüne ağırlık vermesi, güç kullanmaya ya da güç kullanma tehdidinde bulunmaya kalkmaması yönündeydi. Gazze konusunun Türkiye’nin dış politikasını rehin almaması gerektiği üstünde de duruldu. Moderatörlüğü benim tarafımdan yapılan toplantı ODTÜ’den Prof. Dr. Meliha Altunışık’ın yaptığı kısa bir durum tespiti ile başladı.
Yaşanan her değişim demokratikleşme getirmez

– PROF. DR. MELİHA ALTUNIŞIK açış konuşmasında Arap Baharı metaforu ile özdeşleşen değişimin ille de demokratikleşme ile sonuçlanamayacağını, bölgede esen değişim rüzgarlarının farklı ülkeleri farklı şekillerde etkilediğini, bazılarının değişeceğini, bazılarının ise değişime direneceğini vurguladı. Değişimin ülkelerin iç ve dış politikalarına olan etkisi üstünde durdu. Prof. Altunışık’a göre bu gibi ülkeler genellikle demokratikleşmezler, yarı otoriter bir sisteme geçerler. Ayrıca Yemen, Bahreyn, Suriye gibi ülkelerde mezhep çatışmaları yaşanabilir. Bu da beraberinde bölgesel istikrarsızlığı getirebilir. Libya’da ise asıl sorun Kaddafi tarafından özellikle devletsizleştirilen ülkenin yeniden devlet mekanizmalarına kavuşması sorunu.

Türkiye’nin takındığı tutuma gelince, Altunışık, Ankara’nın başta olaylar karşısında karasız kaldığını ama sonradan değişimi desteklediğini söylüyor. AK Parti iktidarının ilk yıllarında bölgenin demokratikleşmesine daha fazla önem verdiğini, bunu yapılan konuşma ve açılımlarla teyit ettiğini anlatıyor. Günümüzde ise AK Parti’nin bu ülkelerin pek çoğu için emsal haline geldiğini vurguluyor.
İsrail bölgede yaşanan değişimden hoşlanmıyor

– MUSTAFA AKYOL ise değişimin İsrail’in huzurunu kaçırdığını, değişimden hoşlanmadığını belirtti. Akyol’a göre, Arap Baharı konusunda iki ülkenin duruşu çok farklı. Türkiye değişimden yana, İsrail ise değişimden pek hoşlanmıyor. İsrail bölgenin demokratikleşmesine karşı bir duruş sergiliyor. Türkiye içinse bu değişim yeni fırsatları da beraberinde getiriyor. Türkiye bölgede örnek alınıyor. Akyol, İsrail’in bölgesinde giderek yok olan otoriter devrin hayalini kurmak yerine ortaya çıkmaya başlayan demokratik düzenle uzlaşmayı denemesi gerektiğini düşünüyor.
Dünya bir hegemonya krizi yaşıyor herkes etkileniyor

– PROF. DR. FUAT KEYMAN da değişim geçiren ülkelerin kendilerine yol gösterecek güçlü bir aktör bulmakta zorlandıklarını, dünyada bir hegemonya krizi yaşandığını, küreselleşmenin içine düştüğü ekonomik bunalımın değişime yön vermeyi imkansız hale getirdiğini söylüyor. Keyman’a göre ortada bölgesel bir belirsizlik durumu var ve bu durum her ülkeyi karşı karşıya bırakabilecek nitelikte. Keyman yine de İsrail-Türkiye arasındaki gerilimin büyümeyeceği kanaatini taşıyor. Türkiye’nin model olarak kabul edilmesi de Keyman’ı kaygılandırıyor.

Palmer Raporu’nun önemi abartılıyor

– MEHMET OCAKTAN  İsrail-Türkiye ilişkileri her ne kadar Gazze’ye endekslenmiş gibi görünse de aslında bu krizin Türkiye ile İsrail’in daha esaslı pozisyon alışlarına işaret eden derin kökleri olduğunu, İsrail’de AK Parti’ye karşı bir tepki bulunduğunu, Türkiye’nin Ortadoğu siyaset sahnesine yeni ve güçlü bir oyuncu olarak çıkmasının İsrail tarafından kabullenilemediğini vurguluyor. Ocaktan’a göre AK Parti iktidarı ile birlikte Türkiye “bir dakika bu oyunda ben de varım” diyor. Prof. Dr. Bülent Aras, Türkiye’nin sorunlarını yumuşak gücü ile çözeceğine inanıyor, Palmer Raporunun öneminin abartıldığını ima ediyor, Türkiye’nin BM Genel Kurulu’nu harekete geçirerek Uluslararası Adalet Divanı’nın Gazze konusunda görüşünü alacağını söylüyor. Ama o iyimser. İsrail-Türkiye ilişkilerin bundan daha kötü olmayacağına inanıyor.

Hesap verebilir bir demokrasi geliyor

– MENSUR AKGÜN de Ortadoğu ve Kuzey Afrika’da başlayan ve Suriye’yi sarsan Arap Baharı’nda demokrasilerin ülkelere gelmesinin Batı dünyası tarafından istendiğine vurgu yaparken, şu konuya dikkat çekti: “Demokrasiler iyi görülüyor. Demokrasilerde terörist yetişmez deniyor ama bunun böyle olacağı henüz belli değil. Eğer demokratik olarak hesap verebilir bir rejim bundan sonra iş başına gelecek olursa, bugünkü yönetimlerden farklı bir sorumluluk gündeme gelecek. Bu da bölgesel ittifakların niteliğini değiştirecek. Türkiye bunun üzerinde düşünmeli.”
Ortadoğu politikaları Gazze’ye endekslenmemeli

– PROF. DR. BERİL DEDEOĞLU böylesi bir coğrafyada İsrail’in Türkiye’yi kaybetmesinin bu ülke için doğuracağı sonuçlara değiniyor. Dedeoğlu’nun Türkiye’ye yönelik eleştirileri de var. Ona göre Türkiye Ortadoğu politikasını Gazze ablukasına endekslememeli. Benzeri şeyleri Ermenistan ile olan ilişkilerde de yaşadık. Normalleşmeyi Dağlık Karabağ sorununa bağladık. Ancak bu sorunların hiç birini biz kontrol edebilme yeteneğine sahip değiliz.
ÖNERİLER:   Dış politika iç politikaya malzeme yapılmamalı

– Tartışmalar sırasında başta Dr. Sylvia Tiryaki olmak üzere katılımcılar pek çok soru ortaya attı ama asıl ortak öneriler geliştirdi. Bu önerilerin en önemlisi ise Türkiye’nin askeri gücü yerine etkisini, yani yumuşak gücünü kullanması gerektiğiydi. Bir de ikili ilişkilerin normalleşmesi için hukuksal yöntemlere fazla umut bağlanamayacağı vurgulandı. Dış politikanın iç politikaya polemik malzemesi yapılması üstünde de duruldu. Bazı katılımcılar CHP liderliğinin tutumunu yadırgadığını söyledi.


Source: Star Gazetesi